Solomon Islands: A socialist analysis
In late July, the Australian government led the biggest armed intervention in the South Pacific since World War Two. More than 2,000 military personnel and police officers have gone to the crisis torn Solomon Islands. Contrary to the claim of Australia’s main political parties and the media, this action has nothing to do with providing humanitarian aid or bringing peace and prosperity.
Instead it signals a new colonial policy throughout the Pacific by the right wing Liberal government of John Howard.
Once referred to as the ‘Happy Islands’, the Solomons have suffered ethnic
fighting and economic collapse for several years. More than 90% of the
population are ethnic Melanesians, although there are more than 120 tribal
groups, many with their own distinctive culture and language. Since the late
1990s, there has been intense conflict between the Istabus and the migrant
Malatians on Guadalcanal, the main island. The roots of this fighting are to
be found in former colonial exploitation and the extreme weakness of
post-independence capitalism.
The Solomons are made up of a collection of several hundred islands, with a
population of just below half a million. Independence was won from Britain
in 1978. But the legacy of colonial rule was to prove disastrous. Around a
third of Guadalcanal’s population of 180,000 are descendants of migrants
brought to the island from Malaita by the British. They dominated small
businesses, the public sector and the police; they were most of the
political elite. This bred resentment that was to explode once the country¹s
fragile economy was hit by the Asian financial crisis of 1997-1998. Timber
exports, which brought in 60% of government revenues, fell steeply. This had
a devastating effect on people¹s living standards, the majority of whom live
from subsistence farming and fishing. According to the World Bank, average
annual income was US $590 in 2001.
The economic situation was made much worse by an IMF imposed ’structural
adjustment programme’. Jobs were cut in the public sector, and
privatisations were carried out. Fees were introduced for higher education
and health care. As well as this, the stricken logging industry fired many
workers. These measures greatly heightened ethnic tensions on Guadalcanal. A
struggle broke out over scarce resources and farming land.
Armed fighting started in 1998. The Isatabu Freedom Movement (IFM), led by
Harold Keke, began to attack Malatians, accusing them of taking land and
jobs. Around 2,000 people had to flee their homes. A rival militia, the
Malatian Eagle Force (MEF), was formed. In 2000, Prime Minister Bartholomew
Ulufu’alu, an ethnic Malatian, was forced to resign by the MEF, which
accused him of not doing enough to help Malatians.
Fearful of the regional consequences of the conflict, the Australian
government forced negotiations between the militias. The Maru peace
agreement was signed in 2001. The Australian brokered deal called for
disarmament, repatriations and an investigation into land ownership. But it
proved to be a false peace. Economic and social problems worsened. The new
government of Sir Allan Kemakeza was unable to pay wages and to fund
services. As ethnic divisions deepened, the police force fell apart. Its
members joined rival ethnic forces. The government and mainly Malatian
police remained in control of the capital Honiara, while opposing militias
were in charge of the other parts of Guadalcanal.
The Australian government claimed it was invited to intervene militarily by
Kemakeza and by worried Pacific island states. A so-called, “co-operative
intervention” force was created, to try to give legitimacy to Howard¹s
neo-colonial action. ‘Operation Helpem Fren’ (Help a Friend), was made up of
Australia, New Zealand, Papua New Guinea, Fiji, Samoa and Tonga.
But the small nations had little choice in the matter. Facing their own
economic, social and political problems, they feared the wrath of Australia
if they did not join the operation. The unanimous vote by the Solomon
Islands parliament in favour of the intervention force was hardly
surprising, given that Australia provides most of the funding for the
Solomons’ government.
While raising doubts about some aspects of the
intervention, Helen Clarke’s Labour government in New Zealand decided it was
in their best interests to also join up.
Howard however rejected all speculation of taking joint action with France.
For decades, Australian and French imperialism have been competing powers in
the Pacific. In fact, during July, the French President Chirac toured the
region, building support for French imperialist interests.
The Iraq war provided Howard with the justification for the Solomons
operation. After the South Pacific nations gained independence, Australian
governments were careful not to be seen as acting in a colonial manner in
the region. But now Howard borrows language from the Bush Administration for
military intervention. He warns of, “an arc of instability” in the region.
Howard predicts the Pacific can become a hotbed of “terrorism”. Operation
Helpem Fren is a “pre-emptive strike”. Like his US ally, the Australian
government also decided to bypass the UN.
All the parliamentary opposition in Australia, including the Australian
Labour Party (ALP), have supported the intervention. They only bicker over
the best way to go about it. The Greens have said it would be better to
proceed with UN support. But UN-backed intervention, led by Australian
troops, would have had the same aim  making the Solomon Islands safe for
Australian capitalism.
The majority of Australian working people also accepted the argument for the
intervention. They saw it as the only way to end the ethnic fighting, crime
and economic crisis  a view encouraged by the Australian media.
But the operation has nothing to do with humanitarian concerns or the
alleged threat of terrorism. A government-funded report by the Australian
Strategic Policy Institute (ASPI), called, ‘Our Failing Neighbour’, makes
clear the class interests motivating Howard. Published on 10 June, the paper
comments on the significant trade and investment Australian has in the
Pacific Island. Intervention would help the “business and investment
opportunities”. Australian capitalism also needs to keep both economic and
military competitors out of the region, the report says.
Along with its junior partner, New Zealand, Australian capitalism aims to
increase exploitation of people and resources in the region. This can
include direct colonial rule.
The Socialist Party in Australia, and Socialist Alternative in New Zealand,
which are both affiliated to the Committee for a Workers’ International,
opposes the Australian led intervention. They reject the lie that these
military actions can bring peace, democracy and a better life.
Australian government bureaucrats are taking over the functions of the
Solomon Islands state, including the key positions in the legal system, the
police force, the prison system, the central bank and the civil service. An
Australian diplomat acts as “political advisor” to Prime Minister Kemakeza.
The new regime insists on “stimulating private enterprise”, meaning more
attacks on the conditions and rights of working people.
The working class of Australia has nothing to gain from Howard’s military
adventures. This can be seen from the experience of East Timor. Australian
troops are still on the island, several years after ‘independence’ from
Indonesia. Growing hostility to the presence of foreign troops from the
impoverished Timorese have led to anti-UN riots.
While Australian capitalism has grabbed most of the oil and gas reserves off
Timor’s shores, the Timorese people continue to live in abject poverty. At
the same time, Australian workers face government cuts and attacks. Medicare
is under assault and student fees are threatened with a big rise. Under the
guise of fighting ‘international terrorism’, the federal parliament passed
legislation in July that is a huge attack on basic civil and democratic
rights.
The Solomon Islands faces a future of conflict and crisis. Of course the
Australian government points to its successes; there are ongoing attempts to
disarm the militias, and IFM leader, Harold Keke, has been arrested. But
many former militia members and police personnel are turning to crime. If
the World Bank’s demand for the privatisation of land is carried out ethnic
tensions will only deepen.
Only the united action of the working class in the South Pacific, Australia,
New Zealand and Asia can win peace and a dramatic improvement in living
standards. This means a struggle for the socialist transformation of
society. Vital first steps along this road include developing workers’
solidarity across the region, and building class organisations with
independent policies.
Niall Mulholland.
