40th anniversary of France 68
This May marks the 40th anniversary of the revolutionary events in France and of the biggest general strike in history. At its peak 10 million workers and millions of students were on strike.
By Denise Dudley, Socialist Party
Leon Trotsky once said that youth and students are the ‘tops of the trees that blow first’. This was certainly the case in France which was bought to the brink of revolution sparked by a student movement.
For the working class to move forward it is necessary to understand the lessons of the past. The inspiration of France 1968 lives on in working class movements all around the world today. How did such a movement begin? What was gained from it? Why and how was the movement defeated?
Although the events in France in 68 seemed to lead rapidly to a general strike, like all struggles, the movement had been bubbling below the surface for some time.
The election of Charles de Gaulle in 1958 came at time when many thought that the post war world economic boom would never end and when the previous crises of capital seen with the Great Depression were over. France’s long and proud traditions of struggle had seen the formation of modern industry held back as concentrations of workers in factories would be required and could lead to organisation of the working class.
De Gaulle however had to modernize and increase productivity in the country to increase economic growth and remain a player in the world economy. To do so he had to radically change the organisation of production and industry. The workforce increased rapidly particularly in the cities and with it growth in factories and general laboring and production jobs. Giant factories sprung up as a result of the rapid industrialization. The Renault factory employed 60, 000 workers alone!
There was a huge influx of immigrants to the workforce (3 million from the neo-colonial world and poorer nations). Immigrant labour was used by the bosses to divide the workers and led to a ‘race to the bottom’ in industry. In many factories at the time production lines were organized according to nationality. Immigrant workers lived in appalling conditions.
In general though, the conditions of workers during the reigning years of de Gaulle were not as bad as many may consider necessary as a precursor to revolution. The real incomes of workers were increased to around 5% per year. Marx theorized that a sharp or sudden decline in living conditions is not always necessary for struggle and the events in France proved this. Workers did not be ground down to starvation to become active. It can be a change or threat of change in conditions that force workers to take action.
Strong student movement
During the 60’s the student movement worldwide was strong, intense and political. There were mass protests about Frances imperialist role in Algeria and the war in Vietnam. The main student protests in France, 1968, though were in relation to the rapidly changing education system.
Massive campuses were constructed such as that at Nanterre where 23,000 were admitted in 1964. By 1968 there were over 120,000. There were 23 similar campuses throughout the country and the strict, seemingly unchangeable rules imposed by the Government would result in frequent protests on campus as students turned to the only means they knew to effect change. Often these protests would turn into open clashes with the state as the government called in police to quell the demonstrations. As a result of the protests the Government declared that the Nanterre campus would close.
The Nanterre students joined up with the students from the Sorbonne University to hold a joint peaceful demonstration on the 3rd of May. They were viciously attacked by riot police. Hundreds were arrested, imprisoned and fined. Threatened strike action by University teachers resulted in the Government declaring that any such action would be considered illegal. Days later, the riot police were used again, during a 60,000 strong demonstration in the Latin Quarter. The students, true to French Revolutionary traditions did everything they could to protect themselves and formed make shift barricades from whatever was at hand.
Over 700 students were hospitalized that day and hundreds more injured. When workers from around the country saw students being viciously attacked they were outraged. The demonstrations continued as young workers joined in.
Union leaders finally respond to pressure
Finally after days of unrest the trade union federations, the largest being the CP led CGT and the CFDT called for a 24 hour general strike for 15th of May. This was in response to the carnage on the streets and from the pressure from rank and file members who saw an opportunity not only to defend the rights of students but to also raise their own demands.
Both the CGT and CFDT had initially been opposed to the action of the students and attempted many times to put the movement down. They warned workers in factories against entering in discussion with the students who went to the work places. They were branded ‘anarchists’, leftists and even Trotskyists!
The turnaround stemmed from pressure from below, but also from the Communist Party and the CFDT’s urgent need to control the movement which they saw developing rapidly and out of their direct control.
Of course the Communist Party’s intentions to control what was happening also stemmed from their necessity for survival. The CP in France was based on maintaining the Soviet bureaucracy. They were not able to risk the situation turning into a revolutionary one. Just as they had done since Stalin firmly held the reins, the deceitful role of this party had seen revolutionary movements betrayed and often brutally crushed in countries around the world- such as Spain and Hungary to name a few. The rising of a real worker’s socialist democracy would have run the risk of a workers uprising within the USSR.
But contrary to the hopes and dreams of the trade union leaders and the CP the 24 hour general strike was only the beginning for the working class of France. Massive strikes and demonstrations continued throughout the country. Workers had felt first hand the power that they had.
10 million workers strike
On the 21st of May a total of 10 million workers were on strike. Many factories were occupied by the workers including the Renault factory where workers occupied six massive plants demanding improved and increased education and demands for their own workplace. Organised workplace action committees took charge of everything from road blocks and petrol coupons to travel permits for those taking supplies to farmers to the organization of football matches. The cost of living dropped dramatically as workers gained control of the means of production
De Gaulle remained silent throughout this; unbelievably he did not make one public statement. Instead he decided what was best was to continue with a planned visit to Romania! On his return on the 19th of May he had to be dissuaded by his own cabinet from causing a blood bath by trying to send in the riot police on the workers. Most in the cabinet realized at this point that there was little they could do. Even bank workers and accountants had joined in the strike by this stage and news and media was partially under the control of striking journalists.
On the 24th of May when de Gaulle finally spoke out he made a seven minute speech which was broadcast to the entire nation. It was at this point that he decided that what was necessary was a referendum. He conceded that the population wanted more of a say in the running of society and that a referendum as to how such participation would be possible was the answer. Even his own cabinet members called for his resignation!
Workers reject referendum
When the workers also rejected such an idea, de Gaulle called in the riot police to storm the barricades in the Latin Quarter resulting in the worst night of violence since the start of the movement.
While all this was taking place trade union leaders were locked in talks with the Government to resolve the situation. It took two days and nights for the union leaders to betray the workers. They held a press conference declaring that they had secured the best benefits for the working class.
The situation as it stood was 10 million on strike (2/3 of the entire work force) and were demanding to change society and yet the trade union leaders and the CP only negotiated a 7% wage increase and an additional 3% later in the year from the Government!
De Gaulle flees country
The deal accounted to little for the workers who understood that even the most amazing reform could be clawed back. Factory after factory rejected the deal. It was during this crucial period, with the resounding rejection of the proposed deal; that de Gaulle fled the country. Yet still, unbelievably the union and CP leaders did nothing.
Had a workers democracy been installed at this time based on a revolutionary program for the implementation of a socialist society, undoubtedly the most advanced workers democracy in history would have been formed. Based on Lenin’s program of democratic control elected officials and delegates at all levels would be subject to the right of recall and would all receive the wage of an average skilled worker. Workers would act to defend themselves together rather then the use of an army. The shortening of the working week would have allowed all workers to fully participate in the running of society in a way the de Gaulle’s referendum never would have done.
The absence of a genuine revolutionary party was a stark reality in France and explains why a workers democracy was not possible. Lenin outlined four conditions necessary for revolution. All of which were present except for the fourth. There was a split in the ruling class, evidenced by the urgent flight of capital out of France and the traffic jams as the rich tried to flea the country as well as splits within de Gaulle’s own cabinet.
The second condition requires support for the revolution by the majority of the middle classes. The third condition was that the working class had the ability to go the distance and continue the fight. The forth and missing condition was a revolutionary party with a clear Marxist program and strong leadership.
No genuine revolutionary party present
The CP in France was far from a revolutionary party and did not have a revolutionary program. It did very little apart from act as a hand break on the movement and even scorned workers saying that they were to blame for failing to understand socialism! A month long strike of 10 million workers refusing to bow to promises of referendums and concessions is apparently an indication of limited understanding!
When de Gaulle returned on May 30th declaring the idea of a referendum forgotten and calling for a general election some sections of the middle classes were won over. The CP was also undoubtedly thrilled with the plan and set about constructing what they hoped would turn out to be a popular front government with themselves in control. Of course such a government would have been completely incapable to meeting the demands of workers as it advocated capitalism to remain. In the two stage tradition of revolution advocated by the CP, socialism was something that could not possibly come before a stable democracy was installed.
The elections themselves saw the reinstatement of de Gaulle, as the CP’s campaign failed to attract even as many voters as in 1967! They lost half of their seats. And is it any wonder? They left a working class totally disillusioned and disgusted with them. De Gaulle had also assisted in this by running primarily with a red scare election campaign. There were also serious discrepancies in the voting process with many youth not being able to even vote.
After the elections, there were still many workplaces on strike as trade union leaders went into negotiations with individual companies. Riot police were frequently used in many workplaces for months after the election to break the strikes that continued.
Despite the eventual breaking of these strikes and the failure of the revolution the French working class achieved some magnificent victories to improve their working conditions and educational resources. More importantly though is the warning that was sent to the French ruling class that they have never forgotten, as seen in the swift back down of attempts to introduce the First Job Contract (CPE—Contrat de première embauche) in 2006. In this case they were forced to back down after 7 days and the sight of 3 million workers on strike.
The confidence that the working class gained from 1968, not only in France but internationally, cannot be denied as workers were able to see and feel their own ability to run society and to create a system run by the majority for the majority. The massive movement of workers in France during 1968 is rich in lessons for workers and socialists alike.
For more on France 68 click here to visit socialistworld.net
